BRICS in the global tech wall: will the US and EU hit the snooze button again?
The BRICS coalition (currently including Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates) has been increasingly vocalizing its position on its own tech sovereignty.
The BRICS coalition (currently including Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates) has been increasingly vocalizing its position on its own tech sovereignty.
Each BRICS country has its own digital goals and Chinese (and to some extent - Russian) interest in expanding their role in BRICS is clear, and smaller BRICS countries are fully aware of it. Moreover, some BRICS countries are competing between each other themselves, yet their claimed collective effort is to shift global tech dynamics and pose real competitive challenges to the United States and the European Union, including expanding their influence further to the Global South.
Nevertheless, part of BRICS countries' interest in working on BRICS digital sovereignty is clear, and the group represents a large, diverse coalition with expanded digital infrastructure, resources, and innovation capabilities with clear aims to reduce dependence on Western technology and greater regional cooperation in cybersecurity, telecommunications, and data localization.
In contrast to this, European and American policymakers still hold onto strong statements about either pursuing digital sovereignty from each other or ‘punishing’ each other for certain treatment of each other’s companies.
Country-specific digital strengths
BRICS nations have articulated distinct yet interconnected approaches to achieving digital sovereignty:
China is the most advanced BRICS member regarding digital autonomy, with its semiconductor and AI industries, state-backed tech giants, and controlled internet ecosystem. Policies favoring state investment have led to China’s dominance in 5G and smart city technologies. China has also significantly expanded its influence in Global South countries, making them dependent on their technology for years to come.
Russia prioritizes internet sovereignty and data localization. Through government-led initiatives to replace or reduce reliance on foreign technology, it has promoted domestic digital alternatives, such as the VKontakte social platform and the Mir payment system. Sanctions on Russian entities have somewhat limited the scope of Western technology in Russia, yet individuals and companies find grey ways to access it.
India has embraced a “Digital India” strategy, aiming to make India a global tech hub through initiatives in digital payments and increased investment in semiconductor production. India seeks to achieve tech self-reliance by fostering a thriving startup ecosystem while leveraging its skilled workforce.
Brazil and South Africa are in the earlier stages of digital sovereignty. However, both have expressed interest in increasing control over their digital data and infrastructure, with Brazil, in particular, focused on regulatory frameworks to protect digital assets and personal data.
A new BRICS member - Iran - with the longest practice of being under Western sanctions is developing a secure national intranet to manage information flow independently of global internet gateways. They have also copied and made national equivalents of apps and services that are available in the West.
Others, like Egypt and Ethiopia, have also initiated data localization policies to reduce dependency on Western infrastructure and better manage digital communications and data.
Spectrum allocation at the World Radiocommunication Conference (WRC) 2027
At the WRC in 2027 - the most important conference that defines the future of spectrum allocation globally - the expanded BRICS coalition is expected to advocate for increased national control over spectrum allocation, emphasizing flexibility in determining which bands will be dedicated to mobile networks (IMT) versus unlicensed uses like WiFi. Countries like China and Russia, which already prioritize state-run spectrum policies, may find allies in Iran and Egypt, which also support policies favoring national telecom autonomy over global interoperability.
For Western nations, particularly the US and the EU, a BRICS-driven approach to spectrum management would mean an increasingly fragmented digital infrastructure. If the BRICS countries collectively push for spectrum allocations prioritizing domestic rather than international standards, it could lead to regional connectivity networks incompatible with Western systems, potentially affecting trade and data flow.
Semiconductors
As semiconductor self-sufficiency becomes increasingly critical to digital sovereignty, BRICS nations are working to establish their own chip production.
China has made significant strides in semiconductor manufacturing and chip design, especially given US export restrictions.
India is similarly developing a national semiconductor ecosystem, while Iran has dedicated investments in chip research and AI-powered systems, aiming to diversify global supply chains.
Authoritarian e-governance
Some BRICS nations, particularly those with authoritarian-leaning governments like China, Russia, and Iran, are modeling digital governance strategies prioritizing state control over the internet, data, and telecommunications. This approach includes data localization laws, restrictions on foreign digital services, and the development of domestic alternatives to popular Western platforms:
China is known for its “Great Firewall,” which allows strict control over internet access and enables the government to monitor information flow.
Russia has similarly increased internet control with data localization requirements and government-backed internet platforms like VKontakte, an alternative to Facebook.
Iran is experimenting with a national intranet, which limits access to external sites and gives the state more control over digital communications.
The UAE also invests heavily in surveillance and smart city technology, with systems designed to monitor urban populations and manage public information flow.
BRICS space race
Space technology has become integral to digital sovereignty, providing countries with secure satellite networks for communication, defense, and geolocation. BRICS nations are leveraging space technology to support their digital sovereignty goals:
China’s Belt and Road Initiative includes a "space Silk Road," which aims to strengthen space collaboration among BRICS and other developing nations. By offering satellite services, China seeks to create alternatives to Western systems like GPS and promote interconnectivity among BRICS members.
Russia has a long history in space technology and has recently enhanced cooperation with China in lunar exploration and satellite networking. Russia is also developing the Sfera constellation, which aims to deploy hundreds of communication and Earth observation satellites to provide global internet and remote sensing capabilities, directly competing with systems like SpaceX’s Starlink.
Both Russia and China have developed anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, with China demonstrating the ability to disable or destroy satellites since 2007 and Russia testing ground-based missiles and space-based interceptors to disrupt or neutralize rival satellite systems in orbit. This is a clear signal to Western space enthusiasts who want to remain ‘neutral’ towards Russia.
Conversely, India is said to have its own ‘lunar race’ with Russia. Having signed the U.S.-led Artemis Accords, India's space collaboration with Russia has become somewhat more independent.
Ambition for the Global AI race
BRICS nations collectively represent a formidable artificial intelligence (AI) force, with China leading globally in AI research and applications. By combining their resources, BRICS nations can build AI systems that serve regional interests, enabling them to deploy solutions across healthcare, security, and digital finance.
For the US and EU, the BRICS emphasis on AI sovereignty presents an additional competitive challenge. With fewer regulatory restrictions and greater access to data, BRICS nations can iterate AI solutions more freely, which may give them an edge in specific markets.
Moreover, BRICS-led AI standards and practices incompatible with Western values could gain traction in developing countries, capturing Global South's markets and challenging the dominance of Western AI companies, while getting access to vast data pool too.
Conclusion
The BRICS coalition is redefining digital sovereignty through a multi-pronged approach that includes spectrum management, semiconductor production, state-controlled digital infrastructure, and satellite networks.
By focusing on autonomy from Western technology and establishing regional tech alliances, the BRICS coalition is setting the stage for a new, multipolar digital landscape.
Besides the obvious challenges it poses to American and European influence, both the new Trump Administration and a hopefully more potent EU leadership must realize that if they pursue the same level of cooperation, the new coalition can easily prevail as they could establish a model for regional digital sovereignty that influences emerging markets and reshapes the global tech ecosystem unless the US and the EU grow up to forge a lasting political alliance.